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Chapter 7 — Record of abuse (male witnesses)

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Neglect

158

Five (5) Schools were the subject of 64% of all neglect reports to the Committee.

159

As with the other types of abuse neglect was reported in combination with all four types of abuse in 166 instances.
Abuse types Number of reports %
Neglect, emotional, physical and sexual 166 41
Neglect, emotional and physical 120 29
Neglect and physical 66 16
Neglect, physical and sexual 49 12
Neglect and emotional 3 1
Neglect, emotional and sexual 2 (0)
Neglect and sexual 1 (0)
Neglect 1 (0)
Total 408 (100)*

160

As shown, 401 reports of neglect were combined with physical abuse.

161

As with the other types of abuse the extent of neglect reports varied according to the relevant discharge period. Table 26 shows the distribution of witness accounts of neglect across the decades covered by this Report:16
Decade of discharge Number of neglect reports %
Pre-1960s 178 44
1960-69 172 42
1970-79 47 12
1980-89 10 2
Total 407 100

162

This Report categorises neglect of care under the headings of food, clothing, heat, hygiene, bedding, healthcare, education, supervision and preparation for discharge that were referred to by witnesses with varying levels of detail. There was inevitable overlap between the different categories of neglect and other types of abuse, as outlined in other sections of the Report. Witnesses described the impact that the neglect they endured had on their social and emotional welfare, including effects on later life.

163

There were 379 witness reports of food provided to residents being inadequate in both quality and sufficiency. The reports referred to 21 Schools. Three hundred and forty nine (349) reports of poor and inadequate food were made by witnesses who were discharged before 1970. Some witnesses reported having so little to eat that at times they were starving. The Committee heard many reports from witnesses of attempts to satisfy their hunger by ‘raiding’ the garden, orchard and kitchens for extra food, eating grasses, dandelion, hawthorn, sorrel leaves and wild berries found while out on walks and while working in the fields. Witnesses also reported taking food from slop buckets, potatoes and other feed prepared for pigs, skimmed milk for calves and dried animal feed in the farmyards. Bread dipped in dripping and shell cocoa described by one witness as ‘unsweetened sludge’ was a standard part of the diet recounted by witnesses discharged in the years before the 1960s. In the morning you got 2 cuts of bread and dripping, the dripping was put on the night before. The food was terrible there, you were hungry, it was rationed even though the place was self-sufficient. They had their own tomatoes and orchard too, but we never got them. • Hunger was extreme, we stole cattle nuts and mangels and the hosts from the altar because we were so hungry. • You were hungry all the time, all the bloody time. We got bread and dripping, it would be rock hard by the time you got it. ... I was always hungry, there was never enough. ... I worked in the kitchen and you stole for your friends, if you were caught, you were terrified.

164

Throughout all decades reported to the Committee witnesses noted differences between the quality and quantity of food available to them and that which was provided for the religious staff, as observed by witnesses who worked in kitchens preparing and serving food for both residents and staff. I had to serve breakfast for the Brothers, as you got older you used to serve breakfast. I couldn’t believe the breakfast they had.... I can’t believe what we get and what they get. One day I nicked an orange, they get a whole orange! There was a woman there. She cooked breakfast for them.

165

Many witnesses said that although there were large farms attached to their Schools the produce from the farms was generally not provided for the residents. Witnesses from six Schools described preparing potatoes and other vegetables for sale and being involved in the distribution of various types of farm produce for sale outside the School. Witnesses who were prescribed special diets or extra milk and eggs reported that the recommended food was not always provided for them although they stated that in some Schools it was available for sale. The food was poor and scarce, I was always hungry, the boys harvested the produce from the farm but it was not provided to them, the Brothers’ kitchen was separate and their food was much better. • We used go to the farm and rob spuds, they used to cultivate the farm in fields out the back ... the veg they grew they used to make money, string beans and all ... used be sold, I used to see them.

166

In addition to reports about the inadequate amounts of food provided to residents, witnesses also reported that the lack of supervision in the refectories meant that in several Schools the youngest or most recently arrived residents were dependant on older residents leaving enough food for them to eat in the rush for what was provided. Witnesses reported being frequently left without any food: I was always cold and hungry, smaller and weaker boys missed out in the general grab for food which was not supervised or was supervised and condoned by the Brothers ... and in the refectory it meant older boys ate most of the food. • You had a loaf of bread between 4, and you would have a tin saucer, you would put a cross on it and you’d spin the knife ...(to see who got the largest share)... it was never even.

167

Witnesses said that extra food was at times provided for favoured residents or for those who did labouring work for the School: The food was very poor. We were always hungry but when we were working building ... (new buildings) ... the work crew got a fry up breakfast, for extra strength.

168

Witnesses reported improvements in both the quantity and variety of food provided in most Schools during the 1970s and 1980s. There were, however, seven reports of inadequate provision of food from witnesses who were discharged in the 1980s. These reports referred to Schools that had consistently been the subject of reports of dietary neglect during the preceding decades. Improvements in dietary provision during the 1970s and 1980s were often reported to be related to the presence of certain staff members: The food was terrible, we never had enough. Lumpy porridge, glue and lumpy potatoes, stew sometimes, bread and cocoa. The boys traded for food. We were told to tell the ...inspector... that we got better food than we actually did. Everything improved after Br ...X ... (Resident Manager)... left.

169

Lack of access to drinking water was also described and deprivation of any form of liquid from mid-afternoon was reported as a standard method of addressing bed-wetting.

170

There were 275 witness reports of inadequate provision of clothing and footwear in relation to 19 Schools. Two hundred and thirty six (236) of those reports (86%) refer to witnesses discharged from 16 Schools before 1970. The most common reports made were of poor quality and ill-fitting clothes and shoes. Witnesses who were discharged during the 1940s and 1950s reported that their clothing and boots were most often made in the School. Shoes and boots were described as ill fitting, often mended and re-mended and uncomfortable. Misfits clothes, like hand me down clothes, and the boots clattering, they were too big, we would be like the German army. • We had no underwear, that changed in the 70s. You were in ...pants and ... shirt, they were all made in the School too, shoes, boots the lot, they were all made there. Anyone who had a hole in their sock at the inspections got a beating for that too, the boots were too big or too small.

171

It was generally reported that witnesses’ own clothes were removed when they were admitted, to be replaced with what were at times inferior quality clothing. Skin irritation and abrasions caused by rough material rubbing on bare skin, referred to by witnesses as ‘ire’, was frequently reported. ‘You wore this tweed, you got a red mark on your leg, it would itch, it was sore’ and ‘The clothes were very bad, particularly the trousers, very bad. Whatever the material it was something like bulls wool, it irritated the skin...’. This problem was considerably worse for those witnesses who wet or soiled themselves, as replacement clothes were frequently unavailable. Many witnesses who wet their beds were not given clean or dry clothing. In addition to the discomfort this practice caused, the resulting malodour led to witnesses being shunned by other residents.

172

Witnesses also commented on the lack of warm and adequate clothing for cold and inclement weather. The lack of an outdoor coat or jacket was commonly reported and witnesses who worked on the farm or on the bogs had no provision made for suitable protection for either the weather or work conditions.


Footnotes
  1. A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
  2. ‘Other Institutions’ – includes: general, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals, foster homes, national and secondary schools, children’s homes, laundries, Noviciates, hostels and special needs schools (both day and residential) that provided care and education for children with intellectual, visual, hearing or speech impairments and others.
  3. See chapters 12-18.
  4. For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.
  5. Section 1(1)(a).
  6. In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
  7. A number of witnesses reported being abused by more than one abuser, therefore, the number of reported abusers is greater than either the number of witnesses or the reports of abuse.
  8. Section 1(1)(b).
  9. A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
  10. In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
  11. For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.
  12. See sections 67 and 70 of the 1908 Act which allowed for residents to be placed for employment outside the School, under an extension of their court order.
  13. Section 1(1)(c), as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act.
  14. Note – a number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
  15. In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
  16. For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.
  17. Section 1(1)(d), as amended by the section 3 of the 2005 Act.
  18. A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
  19. In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
  20. For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.