- Volume 1
- Volume 2
-
Volume 3
- Introduction
- Methodology
- Social and demographic profile of witnesses
- Circumstances of admission
- Family contact
- Everyday life experiences (male witnesses)
- Record of abuse (male witnesses)
- Everyday life experiences (female witnesses)
- Record of abuse (female witnesses)
- Positive memories and experiences
- Current circumstances
- Introduction to Part 2
- Special needs schools and residential services
- Children’s Homes
- Foster care
- Hospitals
- Primary and second-level schools
- Residential Laundries, Novitiates, Hostels and other settings
- Concluding comments
- Volume 4
Chapter 9 — Record of abuse (female witnesses)
BackReported abusers
Ten (10) members of the general public, all male, were identified by seven witnesses as having sexually abused them by vaginal and anal rape, molestation and inappropriate contact. The witnesses remarked that these men were aware they came from an Industrial School. Those reported as abusive included public service workers, visitors and others whom the witnesses encountered in the course of some everyday activity in association with the School. The consistent theme with these reports of sexual abuse was the lack of due care and protection provided to the witnesses by those responsible for them. On the way to ...named city... for an eye appointment in the ambulance, there was nobody with me there or back. The driver, he made me masturbate him, he put his fingers in me, on the way there and again on the way back. I told another girl, she told the nuns, 4 of them ... (Sisters)... beat me. • He... (visitor)...asked us to cane him on the bare bottom with the cane. He wanted to take girls out of...named School...to be nice, I got a packet of Aeros...(sweets)...You never came back saying that...(sexual abuse) ...happened. Ex-residents
The Committee heard reports of sexual abuse by ex-residents who witnesses stated were allowed to return on a casual basis to two Schools following their discharge. Three (3) witnesses described the ex-residents as being friends or having special relationships with staff members; they were said to have unsupervised access to the School and its residents. In one instance the reported abuse occurred over a period of years and continued until the late 1980s: I was abused ...(from)... the age of 6 ’til I was 14. He was kind of a past pupil. ... He was friends with the staff. There was a room where past pupils used to sleep, he would come into the room at night, he used to tell me, “you tell anyone and your ...family members... will be moved and you will be on your own”. I didn’t eat for a year, I went silent for a year, I went from minding myself to nothing. He was always there. I seen school as my escape.... I’d fall asleep in the class because of all the abuse I was going through at night time. I was afraid to sleep at night but I felt safe in school, one teacher was my first good memory. Someone should have asked what was happening....
Pregnancy
Among the 27 witnesses who reported being raped, four reported pregnancies while still in the care of the School. The witnesses reported that three of those pregnancies proceeded to full term and one miscarried. One witness reported she was sexually abused by a labourer on the farm attached to the School and she became pregnant at 15 years of age. Another witness reported that she was discharged by the School to the care of a male relative when she was 15 years old. She became pregnant as a result of rape by this man and the child was placed for adoption. This adoption was reported to be facilitated by the Resident Manager of the School where she had been a resident. I had a child then ... I will never get over that, that will never go away from me. ... You can ask the hospital ...named hospital.... I had a little child. I went and told them ...(Sisters)... about rape, and they killed me. I told 2 nuns, they put me into ...named psychiatric hospital.... I told them, 2 nuns, they said, “no, no, he would never do that”. They killed me, they said, “you are filth, you are filth”. I will never forgive them. I often thought of going out and telling the guards ...(Gardaí)... but I was afraid, I was terrified. They said I broke a window, they said I was mental. ... After that even the doctor said “I don’t know what you are doing in hospital”.... The doctor said I didn’t need to be there, I went to ...named mother and baby home....
A third witness had been sent as a live-in housemaid to the relatives of a Sister from the School. A visitor to the house was reported to sexually abuse her on a regular basis when the family were absent. The witness became pregnant and her child died at birth. The fourth witness reported that she became pregnant as the result of being raped by the father of the family where she was sent to work; she reported that her pregnancy miscarried and that she had to deal with the physical and emotional consequences on her own.
Neglect
Failure to care for the child which results, or could reasonably be expected to result, in serious impairment of the physical or mental health or development of the child or serious adverse effects on his or her behaviour or welfare.9 The following section summarises witness evidence of general neglect. Descriptions of neglect refer to all aspects of the physical, social and emotional care and well-being of the witnesses, impacting on their health and development. It also describes other forms of neglect that are regarded as having a negative impact on the individuals’ emotional health and development, for example a failure to protect from harm and failure to educate. Neglect refers to both actions and inactions by religious and lay staff and others who had responsibility and a duty of care for the residents in their charge. As the reports of neglect refer to widespread institutional practices, this section of the Report does not identify individual abusers.
Three hundred and sixty seven (367) female witnesses (97%) made 374 reports of neglect of their care and welfare in relation to 39 Schools.9 Neglect was not reported in all Schools in all decades. Many forms of neglect were reported and include neglect of care, health, education and welfare. The frequency of neglect reports in relation to individual Schools varied, as with the other types of abuse. • Three (3) Schools were collectively the subject of 141 reports.10 Seventeen (17) Schools were the subject of 6-17 reports, totalling 189 reports. Nineteen Schools (19) were the subject of 1-5 reports, totalling 44 reports.
Neglect was reported in combination with three other abuse types in 123 instances. The reports of neglect were principally combined with reports of physical and emotional abuse as shown in Table 39:
Abuse types | Number of reports | % |
---|---|---|
Neglect, emotional and physical | 226 | 60 |
Neglect, emotional, physical and sexual | 123 | 33 |
Neglect and physical | 20 | 5 |
Neglect and emotional | 3 | 1 |
Neglect, emotional and sexual | 1 | (0) |
Neglect and Sexual | 1 | (0) |
Total reports | 374 | (100)* |
The following table details the distribution of neglect reports according to the witnesses’ discharge period.
Decade of discharge | Number of neglect reports | % |
---|---|---|
Pre-1960s | 131 | 35 |
1960-69 | 170 | 45 |
1970-79 | 67 | 18 |
1980-89 | 6 | 2 |
Total | 374 | 100 |
The distribution of neglect reports for the decades of discharge are similar to those reported by witnesses for physical abuse. Ninety six percent (96%) of reports of neglect by female witnesses were in conjunction with physical abuse.
This Report categorises neglect of care under the headings of food, clothing, heat, hygiene, bedding, healthcare, education, supervision and preparation for discharge, all categories that were referred to by witnesses with varying levels of detail. As throughout the Report, there was inevitable overlap between the different categories of neglect and other types of abuse. Witnesses described the impact of the reported neglect on their social and emotional welfare, and many reported the particularly vulnerable position of orphans and those who had little family contact. The girls from the workhouse ...(orphans)... they were treated worse, they suffered worse. ... When we were out for a walk we would bring them back bits of chewing gum and haws that we found on the hedges and on the ground, we were all so hungry and they didn’t get out. ... (Orphans)... clothes were different, big patched knickers, boots with no soles in them.
Hunger, together with the inadequate provision and poor quality of food, was the area of neglect most consistently reported by witnesses. There were 335 witness reports of the food provided to residents being of poor quality and/or inadequate quantity. These reports referred to 37 Schools across all the decades from which there were neglect reports. One hundred and sixty eight (168) witnesses (46%) described being constantly hungry, and at times ‘starving’, while resident in the Schools. The constant state of hunger led to witnesses attempting to supplement their diet in whatever way they could. ‘If you saw anybody eating anything you just went up and grabbed it, we were always hungry.’ A cup of cocoa and one slice of bread for breakfast. Lunch was cold soupy type thing, lumpy potato, you were so hungry you’d eat it. Then in the afternoon it was scraps, bits of stale bread ... we’d be killing each other to get as much as we could, trample each other. We were all like vultures, like dogs eating off the ground to get as much as we could. We were so hungry. ... You were always looking out for a bit of food, the teacher’s dining room, you’d run in and grab what was left.... Or you’d get the key of the pantry and go in you were so hungry.
Prior to the 1960s many Schools had bakeries associated with the kitchens. Working in the bakeries and kitchens allowed access to the pantry, extra bread and leftover food. Seventy (70) witnesses described taking food, if and when they had the opportunity, as a means of survival. Witnesses reported taking food from the kitchens and pantries and also reported taking fruit and vegetables from the nun’s kitchens, orchards, glasshouses and vegetable gardens. They recalled ‘stealing’ apples and sweets from shops in the town, ‘stealing’ lunches from day pupils and fruit from local orchards. In addition to food taken in this manner 53 witnesses said that they foraged for leftover scraps and took animal food and slops intended for the farm animals or from ash pits in the gardens where kitchen refuse was dumped. Witnesses described fighting with co-residents for the contents of the scrap bucket from the nun’s kitchen. One witness remembered with gratitude a staff member who worked in the School’s staff kitchen: I never had enough, I used to eat from the bins. There was a nun in the kitchen, she was an angel, Sr ...X.... I can honestly say she was an angel, she used to throw food away in such a way that it didn’t get ...pause... contaminated you’d say now. She threw it away in such a way that we’d get it, she put it in a place she knew you would get it. She was very good, she’d leave apple skins and something that was nice.... A boiled egg, I used to love, but we got them very rare. I was always hungry. If you were punished you were put starving anyway. I used to be caught picking food out of the bins and you would be put starving, for 2 or 3 days, you wouldn’t be given anything, all meals ...(were stopped)... for a couple of days.
Twenty seven (27) witnesses provided reports of seeing and preparing more plentiful and appetising food in the Sisters’ kitchens and dining rooms. Serving food to clergy, staff and visitors in the parlours allowed illicit access to some of this food. A small number of witnesses recalled being sent to post food parcels to nun’s relatives at Christmas time and of potatoes and other food being given to visiting professionals to take away with them. I was hungry all the time. I was caught robbin’ bread and they were all told not to talk to me. ... I was working in the kitchen and you’d see the carved roast for the convent but you never got it. You might get the leftovers if you worked in the kitchen.
Witnesses said that poor supervision by staff during meals resulted in older residents taking food from younger and more vulnerable co-residents. It was also reported that some witnesses took the food and milk provided for infants and younger residents they were looking after in the nurseries.
Twenty two (22) witnesses provided accounts of eating grass, leaves and berries. They reported that they ate field crops including oats, ‘crows’ bread’, ‘bread and cheese leaves’, ‘sally grass’ and juice from rose stems, hawthorn berries and apple cores, orange peels and chewing gum from the pavement. Others reported eating flowers, eggshells, candles, glue and, in the reports of two witnesses, the pink ointment used to treat boils. I was always going around looking for food. If I was down the town and someone threw away an apple core I would pick it up off the ground and eat it.
Footnotes
- A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
- ‘Other Institutions’ – includes: general, specialist and rehabilitation hospitals, foster homes, primary and second-level schools, Children’s Homes, laundries, Noviciates, hostels and special needs schools (both day and residential) that provided care and education for children with intellectual, visual, hearing or speech impairments and others.
- For example: as witness evidence is presented according to the decade of discharge, a witness who spent 12 years in a school and was discharged in 1962 will have been included in the 1960s cohort although the majority of that witness’s experience will relate to the 1950s.
- Section 1(1)(a).
- In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
- Section 1(1)(b)
- One witness reported sexual abuse in more than one School.
- Section 1(1)(c) as amended by the section 3 of the 2005 Act.
- A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
- In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.
- Section 1(1)(d) as amended by section 3 of the 2005 Act.
- A number of witnesses were admitted to more than one School, and made reports of abuse in more than one School, therefore the number of reports are greater than the number of witnesses.
- In order to maintain confidentiality further details regarding the numbers of abuse reports in these Schools cannot be specified.